Jewels of Allah: The Untold Story of Women in Iran Read online

  This can certainly be said of the Zoroastrian culture of ancient Persia. Zoroastrian ideology reflected the equality of men and women to the extent that women often occupied the same professions as men and received equal payment for their work. Female leaders ruled in a number of Persian cities and states in the sixth century BC, and female commanders controlled the armies. The authority and independence of women were part of the accepted social system.

  Similarly, the nomadic cultural traditions of the Turko-Mongol tribes in medieval Persia endowed women with rights and privileges that extended beyond the confines of the home. Thus, in some ways these thirteenth- and fourteenth-century women had more freedom than women who lived hundreds of years later.

  Acknowledging these and other early instances of female empowerment in Persia widens the cultural perspective of women’s status in society and serves as inspiration for the current ongoing struggle in Iran. These feminist role models will be explored in Chapter Two.

  Misconception 2: Iranian women didn’t advocate for their freedom until recently.

  There may be a common tendency to believe that meaningful progress occurs only in the present tense, that efforts to improve society are stronger now than in our grandparents’ or great-grandparents’ era. Again, our sense of historical precedent is not always as sharp as it could be.

  Securing women’s rights is not a cause born recently; it has been ongoing for hundreds of years. Persian trailblazers include Qurrat al-‘Ayn, also known as Tahirah (1817–1852), an activist, intellectual, poet, and advocate of women’s equality in Iran, referred to as the “the first suffrage martyr”; and Bibi Khanum Astarabadi (1858–1921), who produced “The Vices of Men” (Ma-ayeb al Rejal) in 1895, considered to be the first declaration of women’s rights in the history of modern Iran.

  How many are aware of the professional, political, academic, and artistic contributions made by Iranian women in the early nineteenth century? Is it commonly known that during the era of the Constitutional Revolution (1906–1911), a nascent women’s movement was emerging in Iran that included women’s secret societies? Amidst an austere environment in which the reigning presence of Islam continued to dictate the seclusion and subservience of the female population, a handful of progressive-minded women began to courageously challenge the principles of a patriarchal order, founding schools for girls as well as women’s periodicals advocating greater female participation in society.

  Acknowledging the historical roots of the women’s movement in Iran, highlighted in Chapter Two, serves to strengthen and inspire those currently challenged by oppressive policies.

  Misconception 3: During the Pahlavi era, all women were liberated.

  The Pahlavi era undoubtedly ushered in progressive change in Iranian society, including policies that brought about modern dress, education for girls, women’s increased participation in society, more freedom of the press (including women’s magazines), and the enfranchisement of women.

  However, the rapid transition toward a westernized way of life was largely unfamiliar to many women, as was a more secular culture after centuries of religious customs. Most of the Pahlavi-era changes affecting women were not embraced or accepted by the majority of females from traditional backgrounds. Their families were vehemently opposed to the new standards, finding them offensive and in conflict with cultural mores. Thus, wives, sisters, and daughters were prohibited from partaking of the new freedoms.

  It is the contention of some analysts and historians that the cultural shift during this time was too precipitous and excessively focused on westernizing the society rather than giving more consideration to the cultural context into which the Pahlavi policies were incorporated. In other words, these changes were considered by some to represent a cultural violation.

  The Pahlavi years brought welcome liberation for a small sector of female society, but many others were unable to adapt to such a sudden and dramatic cultural transition. Chapter Three will explore the underlying conflict that ensued as a result of such noble, visionary, yet drastic changes.

  Misconception 4: During the Khomeini era, women were totally oppressed.

  The partial truth is that women were limited or restrained by patriarchal laws and standards. They were forced to wear the veil, prevented from attending elementary and secondary schools with male students because coeducational facilities were converted into same-sex institutions, and subject to many additional exclusionary policies. The whole truth, however, includes this critical fact: many of the seemingly discriminatory policies, such as the imposition of the veil and eradication of coed schools were initially a welcome alternative for the majority of traditional families. Why? Because wearing the veil was what their families had been accustomed to for centuries, and same-sex education meant that girls could comfortably attend classes and thus gain an education. Previously, during the Pahlavi era, most traditional families would not allow their daughters to be in the same classroom with the opposite sex or to leave home without the proper head covering.

  Chapter Four will delve into Khomeini’s surprising “blunders” involving policies pertaining to the veil, same-sex schools, and educational materials. The inconvenient truth is that owing to rules that many Western women and men may consider archaic and sexist, girls in Iran became educated and liberated.

  Misconception 5: There is a lack of common ground between secular and religious women in Iran.

  Throughout the world there seems to be a widening divide between religious and nonreligious perspectives, each resorting to labels such as fanatic and infidel—or worse. There is also a more encouraging phenomenon: progressive religious groups are bridging the gap between religious and nonreligious thinkers by forming coalitions to combat injustice, poverty, and violence against women. Women in Iran are building such bridges due to their common belief in women’s rights. While some may not use the word feminist, they agree that women deserve equal rights and freedom from oppressive yet sanctioned practices.

  Some Westerners may assume that Iranian women who were forced to conform to Islamic practices after the revolution and those who essentially approved of those practices would have absolutely nothing in common. In fact, the truth belies that assumption. While it is indeed counterintuitive, the fact is that religious and secular women in Iran are working together to advocate for women’s rights.

  The traditional female population in Iran is now highly educated, worldier and open-minded, more eager for equal opportunities, and more outspoken about being held back by discriminatory practices. While some would label it heresy, many traditional Muslim women are posing a radically earnest question: Could a reinterpretation of passages in the Koran that are used to justify the inferior position of women be a means to women’s emancipation?

  The unanticipated alliance between religious and secular women, and the challenge of “Islamic feminism,” will be explored in Chapter Five.

  Misconception 6: There is not much of a women’s movement in modern-day Iran.

  In Western countries, one can Google “women’s movement in Iran” and a number of credible articles, websites, organizations, and references appear. One is then able to read about recent developments relevant to the struggle faced by women in Iran, written by journalists, academics, and feminist advocates. But are these materials available to women in Middle Eastern countries or in Iran itself? And even in the West, how extensive is the coverage by mainstream media of women’s advocacy and achievements in Iran?

  The reason that some might think there is not much of a women’s movement in Iran is that there may be insufficient coverage of women’s activism there. The fact is, however, that the women’s movement in Iran is thriving. During the repressive administration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which eliminated many reformist organizations and resulted in drastic setbacks for activists, women’s resolve remained intact. It was in 2006 that countless female activists staged the One Million Signatures Campaign, a grassroots movement aimed at ending legalized discriminatio
n against women in Iran. The feminist magazine Zanan (Women, 1992–2008), flourished in the years prior to Ahmadinejad’s tenure (2005-2013), was shut down during his administration, and reinstated in May of 2014.

  Countless artists, journalists, academics, filmmakers, bloggers, students, and professionals—women from all walks of life in Iran— are engaging in the struggle for women’s rights. They are up against formidable challenges, but they persist in their efforts.

  Chapters Five, Six, and Seven pay tribute to the many remarkable women who are at the forefront of a movement to make women’s equality in Iran a reality.

  Today, in a country where the Islamic regime continues to debilitate women in almost every aspect of society, Iranian women are forging ahead as part of a vibrant, inclusive movement.

  LIFTING THE VEIL OF MISUNDERSTANDING

  If this book shatters many of the stereotypical assumptions and the often misunderstood story of women in Iran, it will have succeeded. The objective is to reveal how a full-blown feminist movement developed and grew in the patriarchal climate of post-revolutionary Iran. What were the concealed components that made such a movement possible? What are its historical roots? And who are the women—throughout history and in Iran today—making the resurgence of women’s advocacy a reality?

  The story of women in Iran is audacious because throughout history they have struggled against entrenched patriarchal regimes and never relented. They are not relenting now. Against formidable odds and despite prohibitions and arrests, their movement is unexpectedly thriving. Women from across the social, religious, and cultural spectrum are joining together. With resilience and tenacity, they persist.

  Chapter Two

  CLIPPED WINGS

  You can kill me as soon as you like, but you cannot stop the emancipation of women.

  Qurrat al-‘Ayn, aka Tahirah (1817–1852), first suffrage martyr in Iran

  I will never forgive anyone who visits my grave veiled.

  Sadiqeh Dowlatabadi (1882–1961), early pioneer of women’s rights in Iran

  The insistent cry for women’s freedom has been heard for centuries in Iran. Twenty-five centuries ago in ancient Persia, women were in some ways more liberated than they are in modern Iran. That is because there is often an ebb and flow to popular movements such as women’s liberation: enlightened progress appears inevitable until political, religious, or social forces turn back the tide with just as much fervor.

  Three steps forward, four steps back? While that may seem to be the case for women striving for equality in Iran and elsewhere, when the powers that be push against women’s objectives, it is possible to employ the knowledge of the past to invigorate the forward stride toward progress.

  Knowing that women decades ago—even centuries ago—struggled for what women are still fighting for today can’t help but be invigorating and inspiring. Who would want Tahirah’s fervent efforts on behalf of women’s empowerment to have been in vain?

  This chapter will explore women’s labyrinthine history from ancient Persia through the early twentieth century. Women’s equality soared in ancient Persia, was severely diminished with the Arab invasion in the seventh century, and revived only sporadically via the Turko-Mongol cultures of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. More recent voices of heroic women like Tahirah and Sadiqeh Dowlatabadi validate the truth that even with clipped wings, those who passionately seek freedom never abandon the will to fly.

  MODERN WOMEN IN ANCIENT PERSIA

  The First Persian Empire, also known as the Achaemenid Empire (550–330 BC), was founded in the sixth century BC by Cyrus the Great. During that time, the Zoroastrian faith was the predominant ideology and reflected a clear belief in the equality of men and women. This belief was evident in the divine “primal creation” of six immortal beings:

  Of the six Immortal Beings created by God, three are feminine and three are masculine.

  The sky, metal, wind, and fire are male, and are never otherwise;

  The water, earth, plants, and fish are female, and never otherwise …

  The remaining creatures consist of male and female.1

  Simply put, male and female are seen as being equally represented in Earth’s creation.

  One of the world’s oldest religions, Zoroastrianism (also called Mazdaism) was the ancient pre-Islamic religion of Persia. Founded by the prophet Zoroaster (Zarathustra), Zoroastrianism contains both monotheistic and dualistic features. Zoroaster’s teachings emphasized an egalitarian creed, not only where men and women were concerned, but also with regard to rich and poor, young and old. Human beings were seen as God’s helpers here on Earth. The fundamental basis of the religion focused more on moral ethics and good deeds, and less on ritual worship. Its sacred text, the Avesta (Book of the Law) was compiled over centuries and was completed during the Sassanid Dynasty (AD 226–641).

  According to Kaveh Farrokh of the University of British Columbia, women during this era were afforded similar rights and privileges to those of their male counterparts:

  The rights of women in Achaemenid Persia were remarkably “modern” by today’s standards: Women worked in many “male” professions (e.g., carpentry, masonry, treasury clerks, artisans, winery working), enjoyed payment equity with men, attained high-level management positions supervising male and female teams, owned and controlled property, were eligible for “maternity leave,” and received equitable treatment relative to men in inheritance.2

  Maternity leave and equal pay for equal work would seem to belong on a twenty-first-century-agenda, but perhaps the Zoroastrians were indeed progressive.

  Although very little is known about specific women of this era,3 it is important to acknowledge that centuries ago in ancient and medieval Persia, women were viewed as equal to men. Women were military and political leaders. For example, in 559 BC, Pantea Arteshbod was a high-ranking commander in the Persian military, as was Apranik centuries later in 632 AD. And Queens Pourandokht and Azarmidokht ruled, albeit briefly, over the vast Persian Empire.4

  Irdabama (488 BC)

  Empress Pourandokht (also known as Buran) was the first woman to become Queen of the Persian Empire (629–631). Daughter of Khosrow Parviz II, king of the Sassanian Empire (590–628), Pourandokht, who preached egalitarianism, wrote in a letter to her troops: “A monarch, regardless of being queen or king must defend his or her land and treat the people with justice.” Her sister, Azarmidokht Sassanid, was the second Empress of Persia (630–631). She ruled over the empire after her cousin, Shapur-i Shahrvaraz, was deposed, as he was not recognized in an official capacity by some factions.5

  Pantea Arteshbod (559 BC)

  Azarmidokht Sassanid (631 AD)

  Pantea Arteshbod (559 BC) was one of the greatest Persian commanders during the reign of Cyrus the Great (559–529 BC). The wife of General Aryasb (Achaemenid’s Arteshbod), she played an important role in maintaining law and order in Babylonia after the conquest of the Neo-Babylonian Empire in 547 BC by Cyrus the Great.

  Pourandokht Sassanid (632 AD)

  In Sassanian times, Apranik (AD 632) served as a high-ranking commander of the army. The daughter of Piran, the great general of King Yazdgird III, she fought tirelessly to defend her nation against outside aggressors, including the Arab oppressors, whom she referred to as “the desert rats.” A legend in her own right, Apranik’s motto was “No retreat, no surrender.”

  Apranik 632 AD

  Women held other influential positions as well. One such individual was a successful landowner in 488 BC known as Irdabama, who oversaw a flourishing wine and grain business that employed a large workforce.6 She was only one of a number of accomplished businesswomen in ancient Persia whose achievements provide evidence of an equal social system that accepted the authority and independence of women.

  Owing to the egalitarian beliefs of Zoroastrianism, women during this period of Persian history were represented in various endeavors and leadership roles outside the home. Feminists would look back at such flouris
hing of women’s empowerment nostalgically as the tide began to turn.

  With the Arab invasion of Persia in the seventh century, egalitarianism was significantly transformed. The conversion to Islam and the shift in cultural mores was not an overnight occurrence. It took many years for the religion to spread throughout the vast Persian Empire; however, Islam clearly emphasized strengthening and safeguarding the family unit by assigning guardianship and authority to the male head of the household.7 Thus, women’s roles were severely restricted.

  LIMITED OPPORTUNITIES

  The gradual decline of Zoroastrianism and the eventual infusion of Islamic values into the social infrastructure meant substantial changes in the everyday lives of Persian women. The religious clergy (ulama) were now entrusted with presiding over all judicial, political, educational, and social matters. Women were no longer of equal status with men in any sphere of public or private life. Women and men were also socially separated both inside and outside of the household.8

  With regard to educational policy, the principal form of elementary education was the maktab (elementary school) system. These institutions were primarily funded by private contributions or religious foundations commonly affiliated with a mosque.9 The instructional curriculum among the middle- and upper-class male urban youth, government officials, and business owners typically consisted of reading, writing, classical Persian prose, and basic knowledge of the Koran—with emphasis on moral and sacred teachings. As for elite families, they usually had their own personal family maktabs and used the instructional services provided by an in-house tutor. Referred to as mu’allim-i sari-khaneh or mirza, these instructors were commonly lower-ranking mullahs—educated Muslims trained in religious sciences, vested with the essential academic qualifications for undertaking this assignment.10